A Third Force in Malaysia’s Political Landscape: A “Flip” or a “Fling”
Malaysia is a country that practises parliamentary democracy together with constitutional monarchy. The Malaysian Parliament is bicameral, consisting of the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives) encompassing 222 members, known as Members of Parliament (MPs) , and the Dewan Negara (Senate) that contains 70 seats, known as Senators. General elections are held every five years, and all Malaysian citizens aged 18 and above are eligible to vote for the nominee capable enough to represent them in the Dewan Rakyat. However, Malaysia’s current political landscape is dominated by two major political forces: the unity government comprising Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN), and the opposition, Perikatan Nasional (PN). While these two major political coalitions represent broad demographic segments of the population, it harms Malaysia’s political landscape and brings about the emergence of third force parties as alternatives towards the traditional political landscape.
Who are PH, BN and PN?
BN was officially formed in 1973 as a successor to the Alliance Party, which had been governing since Malaysia’s independence in 1957. This coalition is primarily composed of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). BN ruled Malaysia from 1957 until 2018, being one of the longest uninterrupted serving governments in the world. PH won the 2018 general election, marking the first time BN lost power since independence. BN came back to power again by forming a coalition government that was led by the chairman of PH, Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim after the 2022 general election (GE15).
PH was officially formed in 2015, but its roots can be traced back to earlier opposition coalitions like Pakatan Rakyat (2008) and Barisan Alternatif (1999). The coalition includes Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP), and Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah). Later, in 2016, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) joined. Two years after PH ascended to government, Bersatu left the coalition and caused the PH government to collapse. However, PH came back into power again by forming a coalition government with BN after the GE15.
In February 2020, a political manoeuvre known as the “Sheraton Move ‘’ saw several MPs from Bersatu and PKR, along with MPs from BN and PAS, leaving PH and forming a new coalition — PN. This move ultimately led to the resignation of then Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and the installation of Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as the new Prime Minister by the Agong (King) of Malaysia. The PN coalition includes Parti Pribumi Bersatu (Bersatu), Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Parti Gerakan Rakyat (Gerakan) and Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP).
PN performed surprisingly well in GE15 by gaining more seats than what was predicted . A survey from Merdeka Center, an independent research firm based in Malaysia, predicted that PN would only gain 43 seats before GE15. However, PN successfully gained 74 seats; more than the prediction, and came second behind PH with 81 seats, both surpassing the long-ruling party, BN which only won 30 seats. The coalition’s ability to secure a significant number of seats shaped its role as the major opposition, or even the government-in-waiting in the Dewan Rakyat.
What’s happening in Malaysia’s political landscape?
Malaysia’s current political landscape can be described as a “two-party system”. A two-party system is a political party system in which two major political parties consistently dominate the political landscape. Examples include the United States with the Republicans and Democrats; and the United Kingdom with the Labour Party and Conservative Party. In Malaysia’s context, two parties dominate — the PH-BN unity government and the PN coalition.
Malaysia’s electoral system is the first-past-the-post system, where the candidate with the highest amount of votes win. This encourages Malaysia’s two-party system as it incentivises smaller parties to join larger coalitions or parties to maximise electoral success. This has led to the marginalisation of smaller parties and the domination of two major coalitions.
The two-party system harms Malaysia by reducing political pluralism, and the range of policy options available to voters. Moreover, smaller parties and independent candidates struggle to have their voices heard, leading to less diverse political debate and policy formulation.
The Third Force Came to the Attention of the Malaysian Public’s Eyes — but is it a “Flip” or a “Fling”?
The “third force” in Malaysia’s political landscape refers to political groups or coalitions that offer an alternative to the two dominant coalitions. Third force parties emerged due to the political fragmentation that happened when PH’s victory in the 2018 general election ended BN’s dominance, and when the “Sheraton Move ‘’ resulted in the collapse of the PH government. This continuous fragmentation and realignment lead to voter disillusionment and cynicism towards the political process, as the current political coalitions appear more focused on power than addressing public concerns. This led to third force parties gaining traction from Malaysians.
Third force parties include Parti Pejuang Tanah Air (Pejuang), founded by former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, aiming to provide a new political platform focusing on Malay rights and national integrity. There is also Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM), formed by a faction of former PKR members, led by its only MP, Larry Sng Wei Shien. It aims to appeal to a broad audience, promoting multiculturalism and inclusivity. The most notable example, as well as the one with the most media coverage, is Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA).
MUDA was co-founded by the current Muar MP, Syed Saddiq. The party was officially launched in September 2020, as a youth-centric and progressive party that promotes good governance, transparency, anti-corruption measures, and environmental sustainability — specifically issues that affect youth. MUDA collaborated with PH in GE15 but acted as a third force in the last state election due to dissatisfaction towards the PH-BN government after GE15. The party offers an alternative to the traditional political entities, and aims to shake up the established political landscape. The party was hoped to be a ‘kingmaker’ in the Malaysian political landscape, which was crucial for the electorate in creating a ‘flip’ towards traditional political establishments, and bringing up neglected reforms.
Despite that, MUDA suffered a devastating loss during the last state election; all 19 candidates lost their deposits and failed to gain 12.5% of the votes in their respective constituencies. However, it wasn’t just MUDA, all 4 candidates from Socialist Party of Malaysia (PSM), failed to gain seats and lost their deposit. The devastating state election results showcased that MUDA failed to gain the trust of voters and even the youths. But why?
Lack of recognition and credibility of voters towards third force political parties is the main reason. As new entrants in a political arena dominated by established parties, MUDA face scepticism regarding their ability to govern effectively and to fulfil their promises. Their absence of a track record may make it difficult for voters to gauge MUDA’s competence. More importantly, MUDA may also be perceived as opportunistic or even just a vote splitter, not being serious in addressing public issues. These criticisms do not just apply to MUDA, but other third force parties as well. In this case, the third force parties in Malaysia’s political landscape seem like a “fling”. only drawing public attention in short bursts, more specifically during the election period. Afterwards, the spotlight is no longer on them.
Was the Existence of a Third Force in Malaysia’s Political Landscape Important?
“The role of a third force in politics is to act as a catalyst for change, to raise issues that the major parties might ignore, and to give a voice to those who feel disenfranchised. It’s about making sure that all segments of society are represented.”
Ross Perot, American businessman and politician
Even though third force parties are receiving less attention from the public, their existence is always important and significant. Third force parties provide alternative voices and perspectives that are often missing from the dominant political discourse. This ensures that a broader range of views and interests are represented, particularly those of younger generations, minorities, and other marginalised groups.
The presence of a third force also introduces additional checks and balances in the political system. They can hold the major parties accountable, scrutinise their actions, and push for greater transparency and governance. Further, they can focus on specific issues that are often neglected by major parties, such as environmental sustainability, youth empowerment, and social justice.
In a nutshell, a Third Force represents political entities outside the traditional coalitions of Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Perikatan Nasional (PN). These parties, like the Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), aim to provide alternatives to the entrenched political status quo. The importance of a Third Force lies in its potential to break the dominance of the major coalitions, introduce fresh perspectives, and address voter disenchantment with existing political options. Challenges faced by these parties include limited resources, media coverage, and political experience compared to the well-established coalitions. Additionally, they struggle with gaining widespread voter trust and overcoming the perception that a vote for them might be “wasted” due to the first-past-the-post electoral system. Internal cohesion and clear, distinct policy platforms are also critical hurdles. Despite these challenges, the Third Force is crucial in promoting democratic diversification, encouraging political reform, and representing niche or underserved voter groups, thereby contributing to a more vibrant and representative political discourse in Malaysia.
[Written by: William Wong, Edited By: Liwen]
